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Nikola Mikovic
Nikola Mikovic is a freelance journalist, researcher and analyst based in Serbia. He covers mostly the foreign policies of Russia, Belarus and Ukraine. Nikola primarily focuses on Russia’s involvement in the post-Soviet space, Middle East, and the Balkans.
Nikola Mikovic is a freelance journalist, researcher and analyst based in Serbia. He covers mostly the foreign policies of Russia, Belarus and Ukraine. Nikola primarily focuses on Russia’s involvement in the post-Soviet space, Middle East, and the Balkans.
Languages Spoken:
English, Russian
The region that has traditionally been in Russia’s geopolitical orbit is turning into a new arena of competition between the US and China.
As Beijing and New Delhi rush to avoid secondary sanctions, Moscow must come to terms with how long its economy can last under pressure.
When India buys Russian crude with yuan, it boosts the currency’s international acceptance and helps China promote a US dollar alternative.
Vietnam has avoided any severe US tariffs or sanctions for its dealings with Russia, thanks to its critical role in US plans to counter China.
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The new pipeline will allow China to buy Russian gas at below-market prices and make Moscow even more dependent on Beijing.
While US policies are pushing China, Russia and India closer to each other, Eurasia is still marked by differences and contradictions.
Tensions serve the interests of neither side; for the EU, they won’t help tackle the trade deficit or ease critical Chinese supplies.
Boosted by proximity and broad policy objectives, Beijing is slowly gaining the upper hand in the region over Moscow and the European Union.
Russia may have hoped to send the message that it is not isolated but the event’s list of expected attendees is not entirely convincing.
Russia can benefit from the tariff war, but not necessarily by selling more energy and produce to China.
The likes of Geely and Chery have filled the gap left by Western rivals. Even with higher duties now levied by Moscow, Chinese vehicles remain the most popular.
Both powers are interested in the region’s resources, from natural gas to uranium, and the potential of the trans-Caspian transport route.
The US president seems intent on ending the Ukraine war to focus on issues like China. Washington might hope to turn Moscow against Beijing.
Continuing the war without Beijing’s support and the income from its fossil-fuel exports would be difficult for Moscow.
The once-laughable notion of selling solar power in the Middle East is now a rich vein for China to strengthen its presence in the region.
Sanctioned by the West and unsure of Russia’s support, Belarus is banking on economic ties with China as Lukashenko plans pre-election visit.
As the centre of global economic activity shifts from West to East, strengthening ties with China will remain one of Kazakhstan’s top priorities.
As Central Asian nations diversify away from Russia, it’s not a given that China or the EU will become dominant powers in the region.
Given the wars in the Middle East and Ukraine, a safer trade route might be the one through Central Asia and the Caucasus.
Brics is an informal coalition with no common institutions, with members that do not even share the same views on key geopolitical challenges.
While both countries continue to cooperate on security matters, Beijing is careful to avoid crossing unofficial Western ‘red lines’.
While both countries continue to cooperate on security matters, Beijing is careful to avoid crossing unofficial Western ‘red lines’.
Alexander Lukashenko believes he can maintain strong relations with both China and Russia without having to reduce cooperation with either.
Despite increased Russian oil and gas imports, China’s climate goals and supposed push for lower rates complicate plans for another pipeline.
